Archive for the ‘Chhattisgarh’ Category

Nod for Chhattisgarh intelligence revamp

June 21, 2007

NEW DELHI: In a move aimed at bolstering operations against Maoists in Chhattisgarh, the Home Ministry has approved an intelligence revamp plan that would cost Rs. 4.6 crore.

The decision comes a month after a landmine explosion that blew up nine policemen in Bastar. Union Home Secretary Madhukar Gupta wrote to the State last month, stressing the need to tighten the intelligence-gathering machinery.

Implementation

Official sources said the revamp plan would take a few months for implementation.

Jharkhand has also submitted a plan to revamp the intelligence apparatus, but the Home Ministry made some observations and asked the State to incorporate them in the plan.

It is learnt that Jharkhand would soon re-submit the plan.

A high-level Ministry team, led by the Additional Secretary (Anti-Naxal Desk) had visited Raipur and Ranchi and reviewed the security measures.

The Hindu

Objectives of Naxalism and countering their movement

June 21, 2007

Objectives of Naxalism and countering their movement


Naxalism in India came into existence about 40 years ago with the objec-tive of capturing the power of the state with the might of its armed strength or by the power that grows out of the barrel of the gun. Their strategy is to capture territories as much as possible and to establish their rule over the areas captured by them with the support of their armed guerilla.

As could be seen in the present situation, the Naxalites concentrate their dominance where the state power is weak and so their natural choice of target is the tribal areas were the state administration is poor and the areas neglected by the state. Their target is to capture the tribal belt in the country and convert it into liberated zone and develop their guerilla squads into regular army to defend their rule in the zones liberated by them.

After its birth in India the Naxalites have grown from strength to strength and with their anti-national activities occurring almost every day it seems to be achieving its objective of establishing their rule in the tribal belt of the country. Once the liberated zone comes into existence with their regular army to defend it, the nation may face a civil war situation like the one face by Sri Lanka with the L TTE. If such a situation arises, it could result in the division of the people of our nation with one group supporting the present democratic government and the other portion supporting the liberation of the tribal zones under the banner of Naxalism.

The Naxalites consider the state power as a weapon in the hands of the rich and the ruling classes which are against their movement. So their prime target is to destroy the state power in all its forms and create a new one of their choice and act merrily in the domain they have established for themselves. As the state power is based on the might of its armed forces their sole aim is to paralyze the police and the paramilitary forces.

The second target is the people’s representative of the state assembly and the parliament. They attack and kill democratically elected leaders and also the common people to create fear and panic among the public so that it remain docile to their rule. In order to let the people remain cut off from the police and the administration from fear of being brought to justice, they involve maximum people in committing heinous crimes like murder and rape.

The biggest threat that poses the nation’s democracy and rule of law today is Naxalism. Their naked dictatorship does not have any concern for the public opinion or their well-being. Coteries of ideological fanatics are dictating the people and it is abject slavery for the people under the Naxalite rule. With the tribal living below poverty line (BPL), the added rule of Naxalites is a cause of more miseries as the people have to go on leaving their home and hearth off and on. So the fight against Naxalism is a fight for defending the democracy of the nation and the freedom of the people already under their rule. It has nothing to do with socio-economic problems as some people believe. Naxalism thrives in areas which are socially and economically backward and where state government fails to enforce its rule of law and defend the people from the clutch of the Naxalities. It is a guarantee for the Naxalities that such areas remain perpetually backward and permanently cut off from the state power.

The Naxalites believe that their war is against dictatorship fighting for democracy which has led to the loss of many precious innocent lives including the police and para military forces. The Nagaland Police has its share of losing the life of gallant jawans in the fight against Naxalism. Unless the states and the centre stage a joint decisive war with Naxalism to defend our democratic rule at the earliest there is going to be more bloodshed and destruction in the country. /n the present situation of our fight, the Naxalites always have the initiative in their hands and so they are always in the offensive thereby causing more harm and damage to the state governments.

The history of Naxalite leaders reveals that they are past masters of manipulating and exploiting the media, legislature, administration and even judiciary. As a result, the government always appeared as a culprit for their stern action against the Naxalites before the public, judiciary and the media, whereas the Naxalites indulging in indiscriminate killing of the people get away under the cover of justice and human rights. In fact, the human rights groups see the state police and paramilitary forces as human rights abusers and keep silent on the killing spree of the Naxalites.

A government which is at the receiving end of its own organs must naturally be in a defensive position. So, before fighting the Naxals in the tribal forests, it is essential to identify, isolate and properly treat those elements, in the metropolitan cities including New Delhi, who are managing or manipulating the legislature, administration, judiciary and the media to create obstacles for the forces fighting against Naxalism. These highly intellectual elements are not mere sympathizers and supporters of the Naxalite movement as the government thinks but they themselves are the dangerously ambitious Naxalite leaders.

To counter Naxalism and wipe it out, the government should shed its defensive postures and resort to an all out offensive war. It is not possible without exposing and isolating the Naxalite intellectual leaders masquerading as media men, and human rights/social activists and without taking the judiciary and the media into confidence.
To win war is to fight like war with weapons and for that matter with superior weapons. It is essential to motivate the people to support such a war.

It is ridiculous to leave the mass of unarmed tribals to fight the armed Naxalites without weapons in the name of Salva Judum or any other name. Non-violence could be an effective weapon to fight against a civilized and democratically elected government, but it could prove farcical and suicidal in dealing with the killing Naxalite gangs.

Since the enemy at this stage is invisible to the state but visible to the public in general, this war is to be fought with the public participation. Salva Judum could succeed only if a good number of its selected member are fully armed and if they could take initiative in searching out Naxalities from their hide outs and wiping them out ruthlessly with the support of state police and paramilitary forces. However, this should be a movement of all infested states of the Naxalite at a time so that Naxalites don’t get away from one state to the other as is the case now when they are under attack.

Iherie Ndang, Chhattisgarh.

Nagaland Post

Have-Nots Rebel As India Blossoms

June 18, 2007

IN THE DHAULI FOREST, India (AP) – After the paved roads have ended and the dirt roads have crumbled into winding footpaths, after the last power line has vanished into the forest behind you, a tall, red monument suddenly appears at the edge of a clearing.

It’s 25 feet high and topped by a hammer and sickle, honoring a fallen warrior. White letters scroll across the base: “From the blood of a martyr, new generations will bloom like flowers.”

The monument is a memorial but also a signpost, a warning that you are entering a “Liberated Zone” _ a place where Mao is alive and Marx is revered, where an army of leftist guerrillas known as the Naxalites control a shadow state amid the dense forests, isolated villages and shattering poverty of central India. Here, the Indian government is just a distant, hated idea.

“The capitalists and other exploiters of the masses feel increasingly vulnerable. And they should,” said a 33-year-old man known only as Ramu, a regional commander of the Naxalites’ People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army. He cradled an assault rifle as he sat on the dirt floor of a small farmhouse, temporary base for two dozen fighters set amid the forests of Chhattisgarh state. “For them, the danger is rising.”

Initially formed in 1967, the Maoist army has taken root over the past decade in places left behind during India’s spectacular financial rise since its economy was opened up in the early 1990s. Outsiders rarely see their strongholds, but a team from The Associated Press was invited last month into a region they control.

As India has grown wealthier, the Naxalites _ officially called the Communist Party of India (Maoist) _ have grown larger, feeding off the anger of the country’s poor. There are now 10,000-15,000 fighters in an archipelago of rebel territory scattered across nearly half of the country’s 28 states, security officials say.

For years, the government here paid little attention. That began changing two years ago. Today, Chhattisgarh state backs an anti-Naxal militia called the Salwa Judum. And in 2006, India’s prime minister called the Naxalites the single largest threat to the country

Over the past two years, nearly 2,000 people _ police, militants and civilians caught in the middle _ have been killed in Naxalite violence. In March, 55 policemen and government-backed militiamen were killed when up to 500 Naxalites descended on an isolated Chhattisgarh police station.

The rebel patchwork reaches from deep inside India to the border with Nepal, where the Naxalites are thought to have informal ties to the Maoists who, after a long insurgency, recently joined in the Katmandu government.

The Maoist goal in India is nothing less than complete takeover.

“There is only one solution to India’s problems: Naxalism,” said Ramu.

The movement takes its name from Naxalbari, a village outside Calcutta where the revolt began in 1967. Inspired by Mao Zedong, founding father of the Chinese communist regime, they believe an army of peasants can one day overthrow the government. The Naxals are strongest in states such as Chhattisgarh that have large populations of “tribals,” the indigenous people at the bottom of India’s rigid social order.

More than ever, their once-marginal revolt seems like outright war, particularly in the rebel strongholds of rural Chhattisgarh.

India deals with other insurgencies, from Kashmiri separatists to a spectrum of ethnic militant groups in its remote northeast. But the Naxalites have proven different. They have support not just among the poorest or a single ethnic group, and have survived for forty years.

In places like the Dhauli forest, a tangle of vegetation unmarked on most maps _ 500 miles from Bangalore, 450 miles from Calcutta and 600 miles from New Delhi _ the Naxalites are more than surviving. They are winning.

“I won’t lie to you. We’re on the defensive here,” said a top Chhattisgarh police official, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media. “We have the main roads, but they have the hills and the small roads.”

Here, government officials hold little power. Through much of the countryside, nervous policemen barricade themselves at night inside stations ringed by barbed wire. Politicians dismiss the Naxalites as criminals, but those politicians go nowhere without armies of bodyguards.

Victory, the Naxals insist, is coming.

“We don’t have the weapons. We don’t have the army,” said a young fighter named Soni. “But slowly, slowly, sometime in the future, we will succeed.”

That seems unlikely.

Most of the Naxalites’ guns are old or handmade. Their land mines are often made from pressure cookers, and bullets are doled out carefully. Their support in many villages has more to do with fear than genuine belief.

Their control can be fleeting. If security forces move into a Naxalite-run area, the fighters simply disappear into the forests.

But while there’s little chance they’ll overthrow the government, in this part of India their power is immense. Every day or so, another policeman is killed. Every few months, another politician faces an assassination attempt _ sometimes successful, sometimes not.

Inside their self-proclaimed Liberated Zones, the Naxals are, effectively, the government. They collect taxes, control movement, and trade in valuable hardwoods from the ever-thinning jungles. They refuse entry not only to the government but also aid organizations, arguing they are tools of an unjust state.

There is an informal Naxal bank, Naxal schools and Naxal courts to settle village disputes and try suspected informants. For those found guilty of helping police, the punishment is public beheading.

“If they kill us, we also have to kill,” Ramu said. “Innocent people will get hurt in the process. But what can we do?”

As for the long history of failed communist states, he was unconcerned: “We will learn from their mistakes.”

Outside, a thunderstorm shook the sky, and rain pelted the straw roof. Inside, a half-dozen fighters sat in the darkness of the mud house, listening silently as Ramu spoke. One carried an AK-47 assault rifle, but the rest were armed with ancient British-made Enfield rifles, some dating to the 1940s, or homemade single-shot shotguns and rifles.

Few appeared to know much about the teachings of Marx or Mao, though both men were spoken of reverently. Some fighters believed Mao, who died in 1976, remains China’s leader. Instead, their beliefs are simple: The revolution will bring an idyllic jungle paradise for the
tribals.

“One day we will get it back,” said Soni, the fighter, a tribal who spends much of her time in villages performing songs about their struggle. “The forest is ours.”

For now, until paradise comes, people live in mud homes on tiny farms. They grow rice and tobacco and harvest what they can from the forests. Better-off families have $12 shortwave radios or $45 Atlas bicycles.

In a village on the fringes of Naxalite territory, a teenager named Meetu Ram _ he thinks he’s about 17 _ talked about his life one recent evening. His family, by local standards, does well: They have a well-kept compound with three one-room buildings and a half-dozen cows.

Still, Ram has never been to a doctor, and has not even heard of telephones. Asked to name India’s prime minister, he shrugged.

Government officials “never come here,” he said in Gondi, the area’s main tribal language. “So we don’t know who these government people are, and who they aren’t.”

It is in places like this where the Naxalites’ appeal is most resonant.

India may have one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, but it also has vast _ and often growing _ rural poverty. In Chhattisgarh, that has been magnified by conflicts over everything from forest conservation to mining rights, with tribals often expelled from their jungle homes.

“The tribals make a good guerrilla base,” said Meghnad Desai, a scholar at the London School of Economics. They “are really poor, and have a genuine feeling of being taken advantage of … The Naxalites are exploiting that.”

Much of Ramu’s time is spent spreading the rebel message. On a recent afternoon, he summoned hundreds of villagers to a rally to decry the Salwa Judum.

While leaders of the government-supported Salwa Judum insist they are protecting villagers from Naxalite violence _ they have gathered some 50,000 tribals into dingy, guarded camps _ rights groups accuse them of widespread abuses.

“The Salwa Judum is killing people!” Ramu shouted at the villagers. “We are protecting the rights of the people!”

Many, though, don’t see heroes on either side.

Sanjana Bhaskar, 18, has spent more than a year in a Salwa Judum camp.

She hates the camp. “There is nothing here,” she said, gesturing to the one-road expanse. “But where else can we go?”

Federalnews

Let darkness prevail: The blackout in Bastar

June 18, 2007


Anoop Saha
has a post about the recent blackout in Bastar caused by the maoists

Let darkness prevail: The blackout in Bastar

Whatever a man does, he does it for a reason. Such says the psychological theory behind human motivation. By corollary, if something happens which requires human mind and labour, somebody must get some material, spiritual or emotional benefit out of it. This axiom is not always true as regards to the events of terrorism, or the actions aided by lunacy. The blasting of electricity towers in southern Bastar by the naxalites is an example of this kind of extreme perversion, something that lies in the realm of madness.

Since the first tower was blown away on 21st may, it took more than 21 days for the state government to restore power. In between, nearly 50 lakh residents of those places were forced to spend life in complete darkness. In between, the naxalites killed 3 CSEB “workers“, who had gone there to repair the lines. And they continued the mayhem by destroying more towers on 2nd and 4th june.

Some things become so integral to our life that its subtle importance is realized only when it is taken away for a substantial period. The problems faced by the people of Bastar in those 21 days were manifold. Excessive heat has made life miserable. People who use pumps for water had to look for other sources, or drink highly polluted waters coming from Bailadila hills. Medicines could not be saved in the fridge. No operation could be conducted in hospitals. There was an increase in cases of theft and robbery.

The train, which brings people from nearby Orissa and AP to sell their produce in local hats, could not run, thus hitting the livelihood of many. Mobile phones could not be charged. Petrol pumps could not run. There was no candles, no mosquito mats, no kerosene in the market. And of course, NMDC, the only large profitable PSU in these areas suffered huge losses of the tune of nearly 100 crores or more. And its 1000 strong staff had nothing to do for days on.

The question is what might be the motivation behind this despicable act by the naxalites? The posters that appeared near Bailadila provides some of the answers. According to them, 500 of their cadres were killed by Salwa Judum. The power cut was to protest these illegal killings, and taking revenge from people who support it. Agreed that in the name of Salwa Judum, a regime of unaccountable brutality has been unleashed over the people of Chhattisgarh for last two years. Agreed that the administration has been more than a facilitator in these extrajudicial killings, and there has been no relief in sight for the hapless people.

But have the maoists been above board at all times during this period? Manikonta, Darbhaguda, Errabore, Ranibodli, Kotrapal form ugly blots on them. The thinking that all signs of opposition must be annihilated, ran (runs??) deep among the maoist cadres and leadership. The killing of 8 villagers in Kotrapal (by the maoists) in the initial phase of SJ provided the spark that started the whole fire. Even now, the extremists believe that they will be able to take care of SJ by force alone. Of course, some among them think that the time is ripe for them to take on the might of Indian army, but that subgroup is a lunatic fringe in an almost insane orgaization.

Coming back to the forced blackout. The 3 CSEB workers were a constituency for socialism. By killing them while they were on their duty the naxalites have shown there rudderless leadership. Ostensibly the attack on vital power infrastructure was to give a punishment to the people, to force opinion against Salwa Judum, to stop NMDC from exporting iron ore and to protest the private operators in the mining sector exploiting the people and resources of Bastar. The powercut certainly led a dent in NMDC’s profits. However the private parties, most notably essar steel which uses iron fines from Bailadila mines for its pelletisation unit in Vishakhapatnam, were running smoothly. That’s because essar uses a pipeline to transport the ore and the its pumps were well outside the affected zone. Also most other units have backup ore, just to fight these kind of exigencies. These players were the least hit and the naxalites know that.

Similarly, if anything, their move will only strengthen Salwa Judum and its supporters. The power distress has been widely reported. Chief minister of Chhattisgarh and the home ministry mandarins have additional arsenal now in justifying the armed militia. Majority of residents of Dantewada district don’t support Judum. Now that they have seen the naxal designs, they will have second thoughts. Supreme court is entertaining a petition against Salwa Judum. The government will have a powerful argument now, one that is difficult to counter. Above all, further hate propaganda will be unleashed among the SPO’s and what further damage is done by them can only be seen in the future.

This attack has been a net loss for everybody. In Charla town, in CG-AP border, a huge rally was organised by CPI on 2nd june. According to an email by indefatigable JP Rao, “Advawsis from far off villages of Chintalnar, Usoor, Botetong, Benchchend and other villages walked around 200kms over three day to reach the meeting venue. Adivasis of bordering 30 villages in CG such as Maraiguda, Aavulapalli and Kishtaram etc also participated in the ralley. The local press estimated the gathering at more then 20,000. Manish Kunjam the president of the Mahasabha and the state Secretary of CPI addressed the rally. Kunjam in his address stated that more then 4000 advasis were killed by the Salwa Judum activist and 2500 houses were set on fire. Manish Kunjam’s convoy was attacked by the Salva Judum activsts at Dornapal while they were returning to Sukma.” (Actually Kunjam had already crossed the place, but the other CPI leaders were beaten by Judum) CPI is leading the local protests against the entry of big corporate houses like Essar in Dantewada and Tata in Bastar districts. This rally was reported sparsely in local and national media. An attack on his convoy did not find a mention or condemnation anywhere in press, except in an article in Daily Chhattisgarh. The blackout by the maoists dwarfed all such events of significance. Incidents like the Santoshpur encounter, that was gradually getting wider coverage, was lost in the din.

Lest it finds no mention, it is a shame for to all of us that a large proportion of people in Bastar were unaffected by the power problems. That’s because electricity never reached those villages. More than 75% households in south bastar have not been electrified. This when, CG is supposedly a power surplus state. Health services also never reached those villages. These are the people who form the core of naxal support base. Needless to say, they couldn’t see how continuous power cuts for a couple of weeks can raise such a hue and cry.

Still, uncontrolled violence is never an answer to any problem. In my articles, I have repeatedly asked the maoists to come to the negotiating table, and/or fight elections and change the system from within. It is better for them to give up arms from a position of strength than being forced to do so after all its major leaders are killed. I have no doubt that the group has a good number of well-intentioned, bright, responsible and diverse people. To have these people kill village sarpanch’s and get killed by a non-comissioned SPO is a “deadweight loss”. Just like the recent power cuts in Bastar.

Hyena Gill retreats from Chhattisgarh

June 18, 2007

KPS Gill no longer in Chattisgarh

Gill might have successfully led the fight against the Khalistani challenge in Punjab, but in taming the Naxalite terror in Chattisgarh he did not make any headway

Over a year ago the Chhattisgarh Government announced with great fanfare that it had hired the services of the ace cop K.P.S. Gill as an adviser to help it tackle the ever-growing menace of Naxalite violence in the State.
But now that they have dispensed with the services of the controversial cop, not a word is being let out. Why? Because both sides may have reasons to feel embarrassed by the one-year stint the former Punjab cop did in Chattisgarh. Gill might have successfully led the fight against Khalistani challenge in the Punjab, but in taming the Naxalite terror in Chattisgarh he did not make any headway.

Besides, the BJP Government of Chief Minister Raman Singh was put off by his extravagant demands. Enjoying the perks and privileges of a special secretary to the Government, Gill was put up in a bungalow in Raipur where he would often entertain his friends from outside. His unconventional private life itself was the subject matter of much gossip in the political and bureaucratic circles in the State.

All this would have been ignored by an indulgent state government but for his failure to register tangible gains in blunting the threat from the armed guerrillas of the Peoples’ War Group. As a result, his one-year contract has not been renewed. The controversial cop will no longer enjoy the facility of a second home in Raipur.

Cybernoon

500 rebels killed in two years, admit Chhattisgarh Maoists

June 17, 2007

500 rebels killed in two years, admit Chhattisgarh Maoists

RAIPUR: Maoists in Chhattisgarh have admitted that 500 of their rebels have been killed by cadres of anti-Maoist militia Salwa Judum movement in the last two years, a police official said on Tuesday.

The admission came through leaflets and posters found by police in Dantewada district, the worst hit by Maoist insurgency in Chhattisgarh.

“We recovered dozens of leaflets and posters in which Maoists said they had lost 500 fighters in the past two years,” Sant Kumar Paswan, Chhattisgarh’s acting director general of police, said.

He said the Maoists described their slain comrades as “martyrs” and have vowed to take “revenge” in the leaflets found in Bailadila hills, known to have one of the finest quality iron ore stocks.

National Mineral Development Corporation (NMDC), the largest public sector iron ore producer and exporter, has major mining facilities in Bailadila.

Last week, the rebels had set fire to a conveyor belt of NMDC, causing losses worth million of rupees to the firm.

“Maoists said they recently blasted power transmission towers to cause blackouts in four districts – Bastar, Dantewada, Narayanpur and Bijapur – as part of their revenge,” a police official said.

The anti-Maoist Salwa Judum (Campaign for peace) movement was started by tribals in June 2005 and was later supported by the state government.

Human rights groups say the government is endangering the lives of civilians and special police officers (SPOs) by sponsoring the Salwa Judum and putting them in the line of fire.

Nearly 50,000 tribals have deserted their forest villages in the state after the government-sponsored movement was launched due to threats from Maoists.

TOI

What makes an Ideal Indian Policeman ?

June 8, 2007

Ideal Indian Policeman


Source:Tribune
Link via Bhupindersingh

Related Posts

Khaki Rakshashas exhibiting their natural behavior

Maoist attack on bastar stops loot of country’s natural resources by criminal corporations

June 8, 2007

But I believe the public is undergoing enormous difficulty because
of the power outage.

Maoist rebel attack disrupts NMDC’s iron ore mining in Chhattisgarh
7 June 2007

Mumbai: Iron ore production in three central India mines have been disrupted following an attack by Maoist rebels on power lines in the region, an official of the National Mineral Development Corporation said.
.
Export of iron ore would not be immediately affected, Kumar Raghavan, spokesman for state-run NMDC that owns the mines, said.

“The loss of production is about 60,000 tonnes per day,” he said.

NMDC, which exports about 9 per cent of its output, has enough stockpiles at the ports but supplies will be a worry if the shutdown is prolonged, he said.

The stoppage was causing a daily loss of about Rs9 crore ($2.2 million), since the attack on May 31 in the Bastar region of mineral-rich Chhattisgarh, he said.

It could take another week to restore the power supply to the region, Raghavan said, adding the company would try to make up for the loss of production.

NMDC’s annual iron ore production is more than 25 million tonnes, and it accounts for about 15 per cent of iron ore production in India.

The disruption has stopped iron ore movement from the Bailadila mines to steel and sponge iron plants around Raipur, besides major customers, Raghavan said.

NMDC’s top customers include Ispat Industries, Rashtriya Ispatsend this article to a friendNigam Ltd. and Vikram Ispat.

The majority of the company’s output is from Bailadila region, known for its reserves of top quality iron ore.

domain-b

Salwa Judum Terror drives 50,000 adivasi’s into Andhra Pradesh

June 7, 2007

Salwa Judum excesses drives more than 50,000 tribals into AP
Wednesday June 6 2007 15:11 IST

KHAMMAM: The tribals of villages bordering Chattisgarh in Bhadrachalam division are living in constant fear.

Thousands of Adivasis have either migrated to Andhra or fled to forests in Chattisgarh due to the excesses committed by the Salwa Judum, a private army created by the Chattisgarh government to suppress the Naxal movement.

According to former MLA of Kunta in Chattisgarh Maneesh Kunja, about 50,000 Adivasis crossed the borders to save their skins. So far the activists of Salwa Judum killed 500 innocent Girijans on the pretext that they were assisting Naxalites, he added.

The Adivasis are sandwiched between Naxalites and Salwa Judum. About 2,000 houses of Adivasis have been reduced to ashes and they were robbed of their cattle, sheep and pigs, Maneesh said.

The exodus of Adivasis has become an headache for the Girijans this side of the border as Salwa Judum activists indulge in frequent raids pursuing their targets and forcibly take away their hens and sheep.

A public meeting held at Charla in Bhadrachalam division on June 2 denouncing the excesses of Salwa Judum was attended by 50,000 Adivasis speaks volumes about the intensity of the problem they are facing.

The Communist Party of India extended its support to the Adivasis and vowed to protect them from the Salwa Judum. CPI State secretary K Narayana and Maneesh demanded that the BJP government led by Raman Singh ban the Salwa Judum and file criminal cases against the activists of the latter.

The Salwa Judum was formed on June 4, 2005 under the leadership of opposition leader Mahendra Karma to wipe out the Naxalites.

But the Salwa Judum instead of killing the Naxalites were targetting the Adivasis, said All India Adivasi Mahasabha leader R Sankar Naik.

Thousands of Adivasis were leading a pathetic life in the camps run by Salwa Judum, he added. The Adivasis have been deprived of essential commodities as the Salwa Judum activists forced the closure of their weekly shandies, Sankar Naik said and demanded the withdrawal of Mizo and Naga forces from the Chhatisgarh, probe into the murders and lootings committed by the Salwa Judum, recall of migrated Adivasis and provide succour to them.

Otherwise he said the Adivasi Mahasabha would intensify its agitation in South Bastar in Chhattisgarh.

Centre clears move for using choppers in anti-Naxal operations

June 7, 2007

Centre clears move for using choppers in anti-Naxal operations
New Delhi, June 06: The Centre on Wednesday gave its nod to the Chhattisgarh government’s demand to hire helicopters from Pawan Hans for the next six months to help speedily transport security forces engaged in operations against Naxalites.

The Home Ministry cleared the demand so that the movement of security personnel during any operation is not hampered due to the Maoist tactic of mining roads used by the troops, official sources said.

The helicopters can also be used to evacuate casualties and to ferry supplies to security personnel operating deep within jungles of the state, they said.

For optimum use, Chhattisgarh will share the helicopters with Andhra Pradesh and Maharastra. The expenditure on the aircraft will be reimbursed from funds provided under the Security-Related Expenditure (SRE) scheme, a spokesman said.

Under SRE, a scheme implemented in states hit by Naxalite violence in 1996, the Centre supplements the efforts of the states to deal with the Maoist problem effectively.

The scheme was comprehensively revised in February 2005, increasing the rate of reimbursement from 50 per cent to 100 per cent and covering more districts and more items of reimbursement. The revision also permits the advance release of funds to states.

A total of 76 districts in nine states — Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal — are covered by the scheme and the ministry reimburses all expenditure incurred on security-related issues, including logistics and camp facilities for paramilitary forces.

Bureau Report


Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.